Yet the tariff of that day was rigidly
protective. Compared with that, the one in force at the time of the
secession was a free-trade tariff: This latter was the result of
several successive modifications in the direction of freedom; and its
principle was not protection for protection, but as much of it only as
might incidentally result from duties imposed for revenue. Even the
Morrill tariff (which never could have been passed but for the
Southern secession) is stated by the high authority of Mr. H. C. Carey
to be considerably more liberal than the reformed French tariff under
Mr. Cobden's treaty; insomuch that he, a Protectionist, would be glad
to exchange his own protective tariff for Louis Napoleon's free-trade
one. But why discuss, on probable evidence, notorious facts? The world
knows what the question between the North and South has been for many
years, and still is. Slavery alone was thought of, alone talked of.
Slavery was battled for and against, on the floor of Congress and in
the plains of Kansas; on the slavery question exclusively was the
party constituted which now rules the United States: on slavery
Fremont was rejected, on slavery Lincoln was elected; the South
separated on slavery, and proclaimed slavery as the one cause of
separation.
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